Standards For Rapid Solutions Of New York Times

A worker carries a box with ballots during preparations for the second round of an election for Jakarta Amid two rallies last year that drew hundreds of thousands of protesters, Purnama was charged with blasphemy, forcing him to make regular appearances in court during the campaign. The hardline Islamists behind the rallies - led by the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI), a group known for attacks on religious minorities and extorting money from nightclubs -were cultivated by Purnama's rivals. Baswedan was accused of betraying his moderate Islamic roots when he met and sang with FPI leader Habib Rizieq, who was twice imprisoned for inciting violence in 2003 and 2008. Purnama recovered to win the first round on Feb. 15 with 43 percent of the vote, compared to 40 percent for Baswedan and 17 percent for Agus Yudhoyono, son of former president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who drew support from conservative Muslims. CHINESE PLOTS The FPI was among groups circulating hoax news stories on social media during the campaign of a pending invasion of Chinese workers and Chinese plots to decimate Indonesia's crops with contaminated chili The FPI has vowed to stage further protests and a "revolution" if Purnama wins, according to flyers circulated by the group. A senior government official said a victory for Purnama could reignite religious tensions and China-baiting at a time when the government is chasing Chinese investment for much-needed infrastructure. "I worry that if a sizeable portion of the electorate feels cheated there could be a very serious backlash," said the official, who asked for anonymity to speak freely about the political climate in Indonesia. However, political analyst Tobias Basuki also saw risks for the national government and its reform agenda if Baswedan won, given plans by his political patron Prabowo Subianto to challenge Widodo in the 2019 presidential poll. Baswedan was Widodo's campaign manager in the 2014 presidential election, when he beat Subianto.

Some were forgettable, as yesterdays incremental news often is. But it was probably interesting to know in 2009 that the South Ferry subway station couldnt open after a $500 million upgrade because the gap between platform and train was too wide, or that costs had ballooned for promised new parkland to replace parks that were removed to make way for the new Yankee Stadium, or that a robbery suspect was allegedly singling out Asian victims in East Harlem. The downside to the Timess big-story approach is seen in coverage of a fire that killed two toddlers in a Bronx public housing project last April. Spayd, the reader representative who has applauded Baquets strategy, built a column around it in August. Jamieson had pointed to it as an example of the kind of story that The Times might no longer cover. It was a provocative comment, and Spayd added her own: why should a newsroom that just announced lofty international ambitions spend resources covering news of no interest to readers in Beijing and London? The answer is that in pursuing such lofty ambitions, The Times might miss a story about a systemic hazard to the safety of the hundreds of thousands of people who are tenants of the nations largest public housing agency a city within the city thats home to more than 400,000 New Yorkers and maybe as many as 600,000, with unofficial residents included, nearly the population of Baltimore. For that is what happened in this case. City investigators learned that a NYCHA maintenance worker at Butler Houses had been in the victims apartment only four hours before the fire, knew that the smoke ข่าวด่วน มติชน alarm was broken but falsely reported on a work order that it was functioning. Such false reporting occurred often at the Housing Authority, they determined.

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